Skip to main content

Slim Majorities of Americans Still Support Aiding Ukraine

RESEARCH Public Opinion Survey by Dina Smeltz and Lama El Baz
Demonstrators rally in Times Square on the three-year anniversary of Russia's invasion of Ukraine
Julia Demaree Nikhinson / AP

While down slightly from last year, more than half support continuing military and economic assistance to Kyiv. But the results are highly partisan.

While the world awaits the next steps in the ongoing peace negotiations between Russia and Ukraine, a just-completed Chicago Council on Global Affairs-Ipsos poll, fielded March 14-16, 2025, finds that US public opinion characterizes the conflict differently than the US administration. The vast majority of Americans have a negative view of Russian President Vladimir Putin, and most think US President Donald Trump is biased toward Russia. In addition, a majority still support providing military and economic aid to Ukraine, and most think the peace negotiations should include Russia, Ukraine, the United States and the European Union.

Key Findings

  • Americans place most of the blame for the Russia-Ukraine conflict on Putin (86%) rather than Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy (33%). A majority think Trump favors Russia over Ukraine (53%).
  • Overall majorities of Americans continue to support the United States providing economic assistance to Ukraine (55%) and sending arms and military supplies to Kyiv (52%).
  • Majorities across partisan groups think peace negotiations should include the United States, Russia, Ukraine and the European Union (69% overall; 60% Republicans, 77% Democrats, 73% Independents).
  • Americans are fairly divided on the possibility of Russia keeping Crimea in a peace settlement (39% preferable or acceptable, 31% unacceptable). But they oppose the prospect of Russia keeping all Ukrainian territory it currently occupies (58% unacceptable).
  • Six in 10 overall support the United States backing Ukraine’s admission to NATO (60%) but opinion is mixed over whether Kyiv should give this up for the sake of a peace agreement (38% preferable or acceptable, 31% unacceptable).
  • As part of a peace agreement, majorities think the United States and NATO should promise to send troops to help Ukraine defend itself if Russia restarts the war after a ceasefire (56% preferable or acceptable) or to help enforce the ceasefire if Russia breaks it (57%).

A Majority Believes Trump is One-Sided in Approach to Negotiations

In the weeks since President Trump took office, he has radically reversed US-Russia relations and made efforts to bring about an end to the war in Ukraine. At least publicly, he has criticized Zelenskyy more than Putin in his quest to make peace between them. But the American public does not view Putin positively. Nine in 10 Americans— including nine in 10 Republicans, Democrats and Independents—continue to express an unfavorable view of the Russian president (overall opinion is at 68% very unfavorable, 22% somewhat); only 7 percent overall view him even somewhat favorably. While Zelenskyy’s ratings have dropped over the past year, a slight majority of Americans still view him favorably (53%, down from 63% in 2024). This decline is largely driven by growing disdain for the Ukrainian leader among Republicans, who are now almost half as likely to express a favorable view as they were a year ago (28%, down from 53% in 2024).



A majority of the overall American public also believe Trump favors Russia over Ukraine (55%), while a sizable minority says he is treating both sides fairly (39%). Eight in 10 Democrats and six in 10 Independents say he is partial to Moscow. A large majority of Republicans disagree, saying that he is being fair to both parties (75%).

Americans Far More Likely to Blame Putin than Zelenskyy for War

In their infamous meeting at the White House last month, Trump suggested that Zelenskyy started the war in Ukraine, but data from the Chicago Council-Ipsos poll show that Americans believe otherwise. Across the board, Americans place most of the blame for the Russia-Ukraine war squarely on Putin’s shoulders (86%).

Just three in 10 Americans overall also blame Zelenskyy (33%). Republicans are much more inclined to do so than other partisans: a bare majority now say Zelenskyy is also responsible for the ongoing conflict (53%, up from 43% in 2023).

Nearly a third overall also blame NATO (31%) and the United States (31%). Republicans have also grown more likely to blame NATO for the war (43%, up from 37% in 2023), while Democrats have grown more likely to blame the United States (29%, up from 16%), perhaps in reaction to the Trump administration’s handling of the situation thus far.

Majorities Continue to Support US Economic, Military Assistance to Ukraine

The Trump administration has used the temporary pause in US assistance to Ukraine—and the threat of a permanent end to that aid—as a tool to bring the parties to the negotiating table. For their part, majorities of the American public still want the United States to assist Ukraine. About two-thirds or more among all partisan groups support increasing sanctions on Russia (66% overall). Six in 10 favor the United States throwing its support behind Ukraine to join NATO (60% overall), though a majority of Republicans oppose this action (53%). Smaller majorities of the overall US public support continuing economic assistance (55%) and providing additional arms and military supplies (52%) to Kyiv.

As the figures below demonstrate, Republican support for continued assistance has plunged to the lowest levels yet (just three in 10 support economic and military aid), dragging down overall support. Independent support has remained at roughly the same level over the past year, while Democratic support for aid has increased since the Trump transition. 



Americans Say US-Led Negotiations Should Include Russia, Ukraine and Europe

In February, the Trump administration started to discuss an end to the war in Ukraine with Putin before reaching out to Zelenskyy, prompting objections from Kyiv and other European leaders who thought they should also be part of initial ceasefire discussions. The American public agrees: across the board, most believe the United States, the European Union, Russia, and Ukraine should all be included in negotiations to end the war in Ukraine (69% overall). Nearly three in four Democrats (77%) and Independents (73%) and six in 10 Republicans (60%) agree that all four parties should have a seat at the table.

Compared to other partisans, Republicans are more likely than others to say believe the US, Russia, and Ukraine should negotiate peace without the European Union involved (27% Republicans compared to 15% Democrats and 17% Independents). Only a handful of Americans think just the United States and Russia (3%) or the United States and Ukraine (3%) should decide the terms for peace.

Partisans Disagree on Acceptable Conditions for Peace Negotiations

While the exact components of a peace agreement are not yet clear, most Americans say an immediate ceasefire (80%) and exchange of prisoners (73%) are acceptable or preferable conditions for a peace agreement, with strong cross-partisan consensus on each.

A bare majority of Republicans (51%) and solid majorities of Democrats (73%) and Independents (62%) would accept Ukraine’s accession to the European Union. There are starker divisions on Ukraine abandoning its desire to join NATO, however. Half of Republicans (49%) consider this an acceptable move, but only four in 10 Independents (42%) and just a quarter of Democrats (25%)—and 38 percent of Americans overall—are willing to prohibit Ukraine’s membership in NATO in exchange for peace.

As part of a deal, the United States could lift some of the sanctions it has placed on Russia in response to its war with Ukraine. Americans are more likely to see this as unacceptable than acceptable, but only by a narrow margin (39%, 33% preferable or acceptable). Republicans are slightly more inclined to support this concession (37%, 33% unacceptable) while Democrats are more likely to oppose it (49%, 28% preferable or acceptable). Independents are equally divided (see appendix table 1).  

While NATO membership would give the most robust security guarantees to Kyiv, Ukraine and other European countries are also looking to the United States to help provide some sort of guarantee if  Russia violates  the ceasefire. Democrats and Republicans are starkly divided on providing these guarantees. Among Democrats, three-quarters believe it is preferable or acceptable for the United States and NATO to send troops to help enforce the peace (73%) or help Ukraine defend itself (72%) if Russia restarts the conflict. Smaller majorities of Independents agree (56% and 55%, respectively). By contrast, just four in 10 Republicans (44% each) consider such guarantees acceptable conditions for a ceasefire.

When it comes to the sticky issue of territory, a large percentage of Americans say they don’t know enough to give an opinion or do not give an answer (as they do on many of these items; see appendix table 2). Americans are fairly divided on the possibility of Russia keeping Crimea in a peace settlement (38% preferable or acceptable, 31% unacceptable). But they oppose the prospect of Russia keeping any additional territory it occupies (19% preferable or acceptable, 58% unacceptable). While Independents and Republicans are fairly similar in their views, Democrats are less inclined to view these as acceptable concessions.

Conclusion

With every day that passes, the Trump administration seems to bring about new developments in negotiations to end the war in Ukraine. The data show a great deal of division among the American public about what a peace agreement between Russia and Ukraine should look like and what Ukraine should be willing to concede for the sake of peace. It is unclear what Russia will be expected to concede in negotiations besides ending combat.

It may be the case that the current US administration only cares about the view of its Republican base, which seems fairly aligned with its decisions to decrease funding for Ukraine. But majorities of Americans, and a sizable portion of Republican Party supporters, believe the United States should grant some kind of military assurance that it will come to Kyiv’s assistance if Russia breaks the ceasefire.

Appendix TableS 1-2

Various options for a peace agreement between Russia and Ukraine are currently being discussed. Are the following conditions preferable, acceptable but not preferable, or unacceptable to you personally?  

Conditions for Russia-Ukraine peace agreement (% unacceptable)
Issue Overall Republican Democrat Independent R-D Gap
Immediate ceasefire between Russia and Ukraine 3 2 5 3 -3
Exchange of Russian and Ukrainian prisoners of war 3 3 4 4 -1
Russia keeps Crimea (seized in 2014) as Russian territory 31 21 43 29 -22
Russia keeps all Ukrainian territory it currently occupies 58 49 75 55 -26
Ukraine abandons its efforts to join NATO 31 17 48 30 -31
The United States and NATO promise to send troops to help Ukraine defend itself if Russia restarts the conflict after a peace agreement is reached 21 34 11 21 23
Ukraine begins the process of joining the European Union 7 9 4 9 5
The United States lifts sanctions imposed on Russia for invading Ukraine 39 33 49 37 -16
The United States and NATO promise to send troops to enforce the peace if Russia restarts the conflict after a peace agreement is reached 19 32 10 19 22
Conditions for Russia-Ukraine peace agreement (% don’t know)
Issue Overall Republican Democrat Independent R-D Gap
Immediate ceasefire between Russia and Ukraine 14 16 10 15 6
Exchange of Russian and Ukrainian prisoners of war 21 21 19 20 2
Russia keeps Crimea (seized in 2014) as Russian territory 28 36 22 26 14
Russia keeps all Ukrainian territory it currently occupies 19 27 11 20 16
Ukraine abandons its efforts to join NATO 28 33 26 26 7
The United States and NATO promise to send troops to help Ukraine defend itself if Russia restarts the conflict after a peace agreement is reached 19 20 15 21 5
Ukraine begins the process of joining the European Union 29 38 22 27 16
The United States lifts sanctions imposed on Russia for invading Ukraine 24 29 21 23 8
The United States and NATO promise to send troops to enforce the peace if Russia restarts the conflict after a peace agreement is reached 20 23 15 21 8

This Chicago Council on Global Affairs-Ipsos survey was conducted March 14-16, 2025, by Ipsos using its large-scale, nationwide, online research panel, KnowledgePanel, among a weighted national sample of 1,021 adults 18 or older living in all 50 US states and the District of Columbia. The margin of sampling error for the full sample is ±3.2 percentage points including a design effect of 1.09.  

The data for the total sample were weighted to adjust for gender by age, race/ethnicity, education, Census region, metropolitan status, and household income using demographic benchmarks from the 2024 March Supplement of the Current Population Survey (CPS).    

Specific categories used were:  

  • Gender (Male, Female) by Age (18–29, 30–44, 45-59 and 60+) 
  • Race/Hispanic Ethnicity (White Non-Hispanic, Black Non-Hispanic, Other, Non-Hispanic, Hispanic, 2+ Races, Non-Hispanic) 
  • Education (Less than High School, High School, Some College, Bachelor or higher) 
  • Census Region (Northeast, Midwest, South, West) 
  • Metropolitan status (Metro, non-Metro) 
  • Household Income (Under $25,000, $25,000-$49,999, $50,000-$74,999, $75,000-$99,999, $100,000-$149,999, $150,000+) 
About the Authors
Vice President, Public Opinion and Foreign Policy
Headshot for Dina Smeltz
Dina Smeltz, a polling expert, has more than 25 years of experience designing and fielding international social and political surveys. Prior to joining the Council to lead its annual survey of American attitudes on US foreign policy, she served in the Bureau of Intelligence and Research at the US State Department's Office of Research from 1992 to 2008.
Headshot for Dina Smeltz
Research Assistant, Public Opinion and US Foreign Policy
headshot of Lama El Baz
Lama El Baz joined the Chicago Council on Global Affairs in 2023 as a research assistant for the public opinion and US foreign policy team within the Lester Crown Center. She is passionate about public opinion research, data analytics, and the regional affairs of the Middle East and North Africa.
headshot of Lama El Baz
Ipsos logo
Council-Ipsos Flash Polling This report is part of our ongoing partnership with Ipsos to conduct monthly polling on American public opinion on key foreign policy issues.

Related Content